Musk’s US political rise fractures Great Reset framework

Elon Musk, the ‘super-genius’: this is how President-elect Donald Trump described him in his first address to the nation after confirming his landslide election victory over Democratic candidate Kamala Harris. The considerable attention devoted to Musk, even more than that paid to Vice-President James D. Vance, suggests that the brilliant and eclectic tycoon will play a very prominent, even decisive, role in the second Trump administration.

How can one frame Elon Musk's actions in recent years, starting with the acquisition of the social media company Twitter in October 2022, after a long legal battle and shelling out the exorbitant sum of 44 billion dollars, if not as a gradual rapprochement with the White House? The deal has been called a bad deal from a financial point of view: there is no doubt, in fact, that Twitter's value was hugely inflated. Yet the impression is that Musk has played his cards right, once again.

Indeed, without the takeover of Twitter, renamed ‘X’, Donald Trump's election campaign would probably not have had a chance to prevail against a sprawling apparatus that played all its cards, including many low blows, in order to avert a second term for ‘The Donald’. In fact, the mainstream media suffered yet another defeat and revealed an increasingly obvious irrelevance. The axis between Elon Musk, Tucker Carlson, Robert Kennedy jr. and, lately, the well-known blogger Joe Rogan (whose video interview with Trump has reached 50 million views), broke the encirclement and sent the establishment into a panic, starting with the leadership of the Democratic Party: the Clinton and Obama families are the first big losers, apart from Harris in whom they did not believe either. Traditional America has won a very important first victory against woke capitalism, cancel culture, the LGBTQIA+ lobby, the liberal world of Hollywood, Big federal agencies, the Big-tech world of Silicon Valley, Big Pharma, the military-industrial complex, the Davos ‘party’ and the UN 2030 Agenda of energy transition and the centralist policies of the World Health Organisation.

It would be naïve, however, to delude oneself that the war between these two worlds is over: in reality, it has only just begun, and there will be no lack of attempts to ‘normalise'  Trump’s turn in office, even within the Republican party. Hopes of success, however, are certainly better than in 2016, thanks to an unprecedented victory, both quantitatively (including the popular vote) and qualitatively (even in traditionally ‘democratic’ segments of the population such as Hispanics and blacks). We will understand more when the transition is complete and the key roles in the future administration, in the House, the Senate and the various federal agencies have been designated: Trump, on the strength of his broad popular consensus, his full control of Congress, his experience from his first term and advised by Kennedy, who knows the US political world perfectly well, will certainly be very careful to choose people who really share his agenda this time, starting with national security and foreign policy.

What role will the ‘super-genius’ Elon Musk play in this war? Surely, as a good entrepreneur, his first thought will be to secure his business empire, which ranges from Tesla to SpaceX, from Neuralink to X, to mention only the main companies; it is also likely that he will want to take revenge on those who had ostracised him, from Bill Gates to Sam Altman of OpenAI and, more generally, the whole Davos world; he will certainly take the opportunity to accelerate his most advanced projects, from the new frontiers of space to the potentially transhuman ones opened up by Neuralink applications and possible accelerations in so-called ‘artificial intelligence’.

We cannot, therefore, think of Elon Musk as the ‘white knight’ who will save the US and the rest of the US-led world from all the crazy drifts of the past decades. Nonetheless, reasonable optimism is not misplaced. First of all, for two reasons: his repeated statements in favour of the birth rate, with frequent warnings against the risk of demographic crises in the Western world, and, lately, his defence of free information, at a time when the US leadership, under the usual pretext of combating so-called misinformation and disinformation, was even questioning the First Amendment. Social censorship has been avoided, and this maintains spaces of free speech essential to counter initiatives such as the Great Reset carried out by the Davos community. Schwab's ‘Great Narrative’ will no longer be unambiguous and dominant, and thus loses much of its seductive power: the Great Awakening is indeed underway.

Elon Musk could take on a key role with control of DOGE (Department of Government Efficiency), i.e., the ability to cut off funding to entities deemed not in line with the Make America Great Again perspective, especially towards its enemies. In foreign policy, Musk's focus on the economic-entrepreneurial aspects, in line with Donald Trump's forma mentis, could make him a sort of ‘super-diplomat’ thanks to the possibility of interweaving business relations at the highest level even with politically opposing powers, such as China. In this perspective, as geopolitical tensions damage business, stability becomes a crucial factor, and China also badly needs it, given its economic and financial problems. Military deterrence, of course, will not wane, to deter aggression and continue to defend its vital interests, but the prospect of ‘exporting democracy to the world’ will certainly suffer a setback: war will be seen as a last resort when all diplomatic avenues and soft power have proved ineffective.

America will focus on its own re-industrialisation, starting with the manufacturing renaissance, and Musk will play an essential role in this perspective too, because he has shown that he knows how to invest successfully. Not only by creating jobs, but also by achieving results that no one before him had ever managed to achieve, such as last October 13 with the recovery of the first attempt on the launch pad of the Super Heavy rocket, 70 metres high, after the successful launch of the Starship spacecraft: a historic event, not by chance well highlighted by Trump to carry on the narrative of US technological superiority over the rest of the world, including China. Ideology is destined to give way to pragmatism and technological achievements, and this will certainly make the evolution of the future administration's tactical choices unpredictable: like any good entrepreneur, even Trump, aided by Musk, will know how to straighten his course whenever it seems opportune to achieve his strategic objectives. The hope is that the State will take a step back and spaces of real economic and cultural freedom will be reopened.

We shall see, but at the moment it seems legitimate to rejoice at the change of framework: not because we are sure that everything will go well, but because Harris's victory would have further closed the spaces of freedom of speech and action, both in the economic and cultural fields. If we had any doubts about the goodness of the outcome of the election, it is sufficient to look at the distraught reaction, even in Italy, of that liberal and radical-chic world increasingly distant from reality and the everyday problems of ordinary people. With Trump's victory, not only in the US but also in Europe and Italy space and time to act will be gained, an opportunity that should not be wasted.

Moreover, Meloni's Italy, strengthened by its privileged relationship with Musk, could even assume a leading role in Europe, at least in the Mediterranean: in short, the current turn may be qualified as populist, but there is good in this populism, and it will be vital to know how to exploit it. The UN, the European Commission, the World Economic Forum and the technocratic and globalist pseudo-elites will come to terms with it.